Beijing Watch | Feng Xiaogang's 'Catching Spies' Distills Seven Decades of Beijing's Taiwan Narrative

2026-06-25 12:00
Opening scene of the film 'Catching Spies.' (Photo: Tian Chang)
Opening scene of the film 'Catching Spies.' (Photo: Tian Chang)

Released over China's Dragon Boat Festival holiday, director Feng Xiaogang's (馮小剛) new film I Know Who You Are (抓特務, Zhua Te Wu)arrives carrying the anticipation that follows a director who has long doubled as a cultural weathervane. Reading a Feng film purely at face value — as another entry in the Chinese Communist Party's long tradition of glorifying its own image — misses the point. The more productive question is always: why this film, and why now?

Compared to works with overt united-front messaging, I Know Who You Are  is relatively restrained in its political signaling. Feng's signature cinematography and score are steady and textured. At 141 minutes, the pacing is deliberate, drawing the audience into the rhythms of a small Beijing courtyard as it absorbs seven decades of the People's Republic: the closure of brothels, the nationalization of private enterprise, the Korean War, the Great Leap Forward, the famine, the Cultural Revolution, Reform and Opening Up, the Sino-Vietnamese War, Beijing's shifts in Taiwan policy in the 1980s, the Taiwan Strait crises, and finally the 2008 Beijing Olympics.

At a moment when China is intensifying what analysts describe as the securitization of nearly every sphere of public life, the film appears to push in a counter-intuitive direction. Across four decades of screen time, the film's apparent restraint conceals a densely set table. I Know Who You Are is less about catching spies than about capturing hearts — specifically, the hearts of Taiwanese audiences.

The moment that most forcefully disrupts the film's surface warmth comes when Hu Ge's (胡歌) character, Feng Jingbo (馮靜波) — a deep-cover agent commissioned by the Nationalist government's Military Intelligence Bureau — sits alone outside the City God Temple after his former handler fails to recognize him. The sensation of being forgotten and discarded by history cuts through everything the film has built around him.

De-heroicized espionage as cover for a quieter kind of assimilation

Watching the film, a sense of familiarity surfaces — the kind that comes from lived proximity to Beijing's hutong neighborhoods in an earlier era. Stories circulated of Nationalist intelligence operatives who had gone to ground in the city's residential alleys in the early years after the 1949 "Liberation" of Beiping, men indistinguishable from their neighbors until a wedding banquet and an unguarded game of finger-guessing exposed them.

A factual note worth keeping in mind: China's Ministry of State Security was not formally established until the 1980s. Prior to that, it was the public security apparatus — particularly its political protection units, known colloquially as "zhengbao" or "guobao" — that handled counterintelligence and social surveillance, a function those units continue to perform in modified form today.

Against the benchmark of the classic 1990s television serial No Regrets (無悔追踪), the film softens dramatic confrontation in favor of domestic texture and an atmosphere of quiet reconciliation. Feng Xiaogang's established strength — tracing ordinary people caught in the gears of sweeping history, as he did in Youth (芳華) — is fully on display. Xiao Dali (肖大力), the neighborhood police chief played by Lei Jiayin (雷佳音), is no heroic lawman; he is a street-level officer who survives on instinct and vigilance. Feng Jingbo is no cold-blooded operative; he is a man who has settled into the hutong, married, had children, taught school — a man of cultivated ordinariness. Their four-decade dance of suspicion, unspoken understanding, and slow attrition is outwardly warm and inwardly both absurd and bleak.

After 1949, many Nationalist intelligence assets who remained on the mainland found themselves wedged inside the fault lines of cross-strait history. The film declines to deliver slogans, choosing instead to let forty years of daily life demonstrate the hollowness of the undercover mission: the assignment gradually loses all meaning, while what endures is human attachment, the grinding weight of historical change on individual lives, and a shared understanding — I know what you are; you know what I am — that becomes its own kind of bond.

This is a recognizable technique in contemporary Chinese cultural production: beneath commercial packaging, ideological confrontation is muted, replaced by an emphasis on shared destiny — the logic of "you are in me, and I am in you." The de-heroicization of the spy genre, paradoxically, enables a subtler form of propaganda. Historical trauma and questions of identity are dissolved into the warmth of everyday life, and the deep-cover operative's eventual "assimilation" by the era he was meant to subvert is made to feel not only natural but fated.

A scene depicting the Cultural Revolution in the film Catching Spies. (Photo: Tian Chang)
A scene depicting the Cultural Revolution in the film Catching Spies. (Photo: Tian Chang)

From the Korean War onward, the Party consolidated its legitimacy through nationalism. The Great Leap Forward and the subsequent famine exposed the catastrophic distance between ideological ambition and material reality. The Cultural Revolution politicized ordinary existence entirely. Reform and Opening Up then functions in the film as a watershed: many characters who were not broken by political struggle find new direction after 1978. This narrative arc maps closely onto the official historical framework Beijing has been amplifying in recent years — the first half of the story may involve detours and errors, but the destination is always Reform and Opening Up and national rejuvenation.

The film's female characters carry much of this historical weight. Liu Yemei (柳葉眉), Feng Jingbo's wife, endures four decades through quiet forbearance. When she discovers during the Cultural Revolution that her husband is a Nationalist agent, she chooses not to report him — protecting her family by keeping the denunciatory climate of the era at bay. Her counterpart, the wife of Lei Jiayin's character Xiao Dali, chooses resistance instead, and dies in the Cultural Revolution as a result.

The film's scenes of mutual suspicion and neighbor-against-neighbor denunciation are difficult to watch without thinking of contemporary China. Forty years ago, people feared being labeled a spy. Forty years later, people remain afraid of political labels of various kinds. When political alignment becomes a primary marker of identity, and dissent is rapidly sorted into categories of friend or enemy, the "spy-catching" mentality has never fully gone away.

Most of the film's characters are not operatives in any meaningful sense. They are ordinary people trying to live their lives within a historical current too powerful to resist. Yet the political environment denies them the option of remaining simply ordinary. This is a condition the film implicitly recognizes as shared across the Cold War world: McCarthyism in the United States, political censorship in the Soviet Union, anti-communist mobilization under Taiwan's decades-long martial law.

The memorable line from Feng Jingbo in Catching Spies: "Ideological remolding is a lifelong endeavor." (Photo: Tian Chang)
The memorable line from Feng Jingbo in Catching Spies: "Ideological remolding is a lifelong endeavor." (Photo: Tian Chang)

Ye Jianying's nine-point framework: the film's most consequential subtext

In the days following release, commentary circulating on Chinese social media has largely engaged with the film's quotable lines — "Ideological remolding is a lifelong endeavor," "No house can remain free of leaks for 40 years" — while the film's more structurally significant dimension has drawn little attention.

Viewed through a historical lens, the film's deliberate embedding of early-1980s Taiwan Strait episodes carries considerable weight. The shadow of Ye Jianying's (葉劍英) Nine-Point Proposal — the 1981 framework for peaceful reunification that introduced the principles of "one country, two systems," a high degree of autonomy, and the right to retain separate armed forces — is unmistakable. Woven into the film as period atmosphere, the proposal's logic is translated into narrative form: persistence will eventually be dissolved by reality, and those who have been adrift will, in time, come home.

If the film's first half is organized around the logic of enemy-versus-self, then the appearance of Ye's Taiwan policy marks a shift in framework: from eliminating the enemy to winning hearts; from military unification to political unification; from battlefield competition to competition over identity and belonging. This transition represents the most consequential reorientation of Beijing's Taiwan policy in the post-Reform and Opening Up era.

The film devotes considerable screen time to the mainland's suffering and historical turns — the disorder of the Cultural Revolution, the failures of the Great Leap Forward, the trauma of famine — without fully looking away from them. But the message the film ultimately works toward is this: the Party made mistakes, and then corrected them. China took a wrong turn, and then found the right path.

This narrative structure aligns closely with Beijing's recently intensified emphasis on "historical confidence." When embedded in a film so explicitly entangled with Taiwan, it generates a particular political signal: what Beijing wants Taiwan to see is not simply the China of the past, but a China that has already made its corrections.

The scene featuring the line "No tiled roof stays watertight for forty years" in Catching Spies. (Photo: Tian Chang)
The scene featuring the line "No tiled roof stays watertight for forty years" in Catching Spies. (Photo: Tian Chang)

The real battlefield has always been Taiwan's sense of identity

Over forty years, the mainland has worked to transform the devastation of the Cultural Revolution and the famine into a form of "shared memory" pointing toward a unity of hearts and minds. Taiwan, meanwhile, has moved beyond authoritarianism and embraced plural values. The gap between the two sides in terms of institutions, freedoms, and identity has never been more sharply defined than it is today. Wrapping these sensitive histories inside the domestic warmth of a Beijing hutong, and working to shape an imagination in which reunification is irreversible — particularly against the current backdrop of cross-strait tension — looks less like storytelling than a carefully packaged cultural offensive.

Across decades of cross-strait confrontation — from the artillery bombardment of Kinmen to information warfare, from military deterrence to cognitive operations — both sides have gradually arrived at the same recognition: what is truly worth contesting is not territory but identity. Not the island, but the people on it.

When a society loses its foundation of shared trust, politics can easily reach into private life. When people habitually judge one another by political position, suspicion displaces understanding. In the accelerated present, who is willing to spend forty years "keeping watch" over an identity? Taiwan's people have already found their own path in the democratic era. They do not need a mainland hutong story to define where they belong.

Forty years on, the fear has only changed its name

Those who were swept up by history in that era — were they catching spies, or were they chasing a sense of security? Forty years on, the shape of the enemy may have changed and the political vocabulary may have been updated. But the human fear, the anxiety over identity, and the demand for proof of loyalty remain.

Feng Jingbo spends the film working steadily to blend into the life of the new China, appearing at times to have genuinely forgotten who he was. When he finally surrenders the radio transmitter left behind by his handler Yan Diankun (閻殿昆), the gesture is at once self-preservation and a desire for self-erasure. The Party has always been devoted to "remolding" people and institutions. That Feng Jingbo takes forty years to turn himself in — and does so of his own accord — might be read as the most complete remolding of all. (Related: Beijing Watch | China's 320 Million Gig Workers Spark Official Pushback Over "Hidden Unemployment" Fears Latest


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