Taiwan Is Cashing In on the Past. Who Plants for the Future?

2026-05-29 17:00
In 1985, Li Kuo-ting recruited Morris Chang from the United States to return to Taiwan. (Photo courtesy of The Journalist)
In 1985, Li Kuo-ting recruited Morris Chang from the United States to return to Taiwan. (Photo courtesy of The Journalist)

A towering tree does not grow overnight. It takes root because someone, decades earlier, broke ground in the heat, planted the seed, and kept watering it through the driest years. The semiconductor industry and AI supply chain Taiwan celebrates today are the fruit of exactly that kind of long-horizon commitment — a strategic bet placed during the most desperate chapter of the island's modern history. The prosperity Taiwan enjoys now is, at its core, the dividend of a gamble made forty years ago.

Yet as Taiwan revels in its role as "shovel-seller to the gold rush" — with TSMC and its supply chain posting record profits cycle after cycle — a harder question demands an answer: In an era of exponential AI growth and accelerating social disruption, what are we planting for the generation that comes after us? Or have we simply been drawing down the inheritance our predecessors left behind, content to enjoy the shade without asking who will plant the next tree?

The Strategic Clarity of 1980: What Long-Term Leadership Actually Looks Like

To understand what real strategic leadership requires, it helps to go back to the 1970s and 1980s — the most turbulent and arguably most desperate period in Taiwan's postwar history. Taiwan was expelled from the United Nations in 1971. By 1979, it faced diplomatic rupture with the United States and the social shock of the Formosa Incident. Washington's Seventh Fleet no longer patrolled the Taiwan Strait. Emigration surged. The public mood was one of barely contained fear.

It was precisely at this moment of "nowhere left to retreat" that statesmen Sun Yun-suan (孫運璿) and Li Kuo-ting (李國鼎) demonstrated what genuine long-range thinking looks like. They set aside short-term political calculation and personal legacy. They understood that Taiwan's survival depended on a fundamental industrial transformation — and they acted on that understanding across multiple administrations and decades.

The result was a strategic march that spanned half a century: the Industrial Technology Research Institute (ITRI) was established in 1973; in 1976, a cohort of young engineers was dispatched to the United States for semiconductor training; in 1980, the Hsinchu Science Park and United Microelectronics Corporation were founded; in 1985, Li Kuo-ting persuaded Morris Chang (張忠謀) to return from the United States; and in 1987, TSMC was born. Each milestone was separated by years. None of it would have materialized if the architects had been managing their next election.

Today's political environment offers a stark contrast. When leaders are preoccupied with vote-buying, approval ratings, and the GDP figures that Nvidia orders happen to flatter, Taiwan risks sleepwalking into a trap of its own success. We now possess the world's most advanced shovels. But the strategic conviction that built them — the willingness to act beyond one's own term in office — appears to have gone missing.

From the Digital Divide to the AI Fault Line

The pace of AI development has broken free of the linear growth patterns that human institutions were built to manage. Computing power is doubling roughly every three months. Data, supercharged by that computing capacity, is no longer a passive record — it has become a predictive engine capable of what researchers call emergent abilities. As silicon-based intelligence begins to outperform human cognition across one domain after another, what we face is not merely an industrial upgrade. It is a wholesale restructuring of social hierarchy.

This will produce something far more severe than the "digital divide" of the early internet era: an AI divide. Individuals, companies, and social classes that can harness and direct AI will accumulate wealth and influence at an exponential rate. Those who cannot will be sorted out of the competition permanently — not by any visible act of exclusion, but by the quiet arithmetic of algorithms that were never designed with them in mind.

What makes this alarming is that as this fault line deepens, Taiwan's governing class appears to be moving in exactly the wrong direction.

Echo-Chamber Politics Is Costing Taiwan Its Future

A responsible government confronting the disruptions of the AI era would be working to stitch society together — creating conditions in which people from different industries, different income levels, and different political traditions can face an uncertain future with some shared sense of purpose. Instead, Taiwan's political landscape is trending toward precisely the opposite: deepening fragmentation.

When political actors exploit the echo-chamber dynamics that AI-driven algorithms amplify — labeling opponents, deploying exclusionary language to mobilize a base, deliberately splitting the electorate into warring factions — they are not simply playing rough politics. In a country at a critical inflection point, this is self-inflicted harm. A society that has been deliberately fractured, in which basic social trust has been eroded, cannot build the cross-party and cross-generational consensus that energy policy, land use, talent development, and financial reform all demand. The very conditions needed to navigate the AI transition are being dismantled in pursuit of short-term electoral advantage.

Taiwan's Five Strategic Deficits in the AI Era

Moving beyond the "shovel-seller" role requires the same quality of infrastructural resolve that produced the Hsinchu Science Park. Instead, Taiwan currently faces five compounding structural deficits that no one in power seems in a hurry to fix.

Energy. AI data centers are extraordinarily power-hungry, but Taiwan's energy policy remains constrained by ideological commitments rather than the stable, low-carbon, long-term supply that the industry actually needs.

Land. Usable land is locked up by entrenched interest groups and real-estate speculation. AI research facilities and technology startups — the enterprises best positioned to anchor the next industrial generation — cannot find space to operate.

Computing access. Taiwan manufactures the GPUs that power the AI revolution, yet domestic startups cannot afford to rent or buy the computing capacity those chips provide. Taiwan risks becoming a nation of laborers in someone else's AI infrastructure rather than the architect of its own.

Model and knowledge sovereignty. Without capable, large-scale Taiwanese language models, Taiwan's linguistic and cultural identity becomes raw material for foreign AI systems — a form of digital colonization that will shape how Taiwanese people interact with information for generations to come.

Financial rigidity. Taiwan's banking system still operates on a manufacturing-era logic of physical collateral. It has no adequate framework for valuing intellectual property, software subscriptions, or the intangible assets that define AI companies. As a result, AI entrepreneurs have little choice but to seek capital abroad.

Returning to the Spirit of the Tree-Planters

There is a classical Chinese warning that nations are born in hardship and perish in comfort. It has rarely felt more apt as a description of Taiwan's present condition.

The prosperity Taiwan enjoys today was planted during a diplomatic crisis, by a generation of leaders who had national survival — not electoral survival — as their only measure of success. If today's leadership class remains content to govern as short-term politicians, drawing revenue from a semiconductor boom they did not build, exploiting social division for electoral gain, and ignoring the AI fault line quietly consuming the country's future, then when the shovel-selling wave finally recedes, Taiwan will find itself without reliable power, without land, without domestic AI capability, and without the social cohesion that makes any of those problems solvable.

Great political leaders bring people together in the storm. Mediocre politicians pull them apart in the sunshine. What Taiwan needs now is not more division but a deliberate act of repair — one that crosses party lines and operates on a timeframe longer than any single term in office.

The task is to pick up the shovel again. Not to flip the land for a quick return, but to kneel down and plant something real — so that in the era of rising silicon intelligence, the generation that follows still has a place to find shade, and shelter from the rain.


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