Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), chair of Taiwan's main opposition party, the Kuomintang (KMT, 中國國民黨), departed for China on April 7 on a six-day trip she has branded the "2026 Peace Journey," with a scheduled meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) on April 10.
Before departing, Cheng said she was leaving Taipei "with a belief in peace," citing what she described as a dangerously unstable international environment in which the Taiwan Strait has been identified as one of the world's most volatile flashpoints.
Whether Cheng's visit will yield concrete commitments — or meaningfully advance the cross-strait dialogue she has described — remains uncertain. Supporters have characterized the trip as a significant step toward peaceful coexistence across the strait. Critics, however, have called it an act of capitulation to Beijing. Taiwan's Mainland Affairs Council (MAC, 陸委會) chair Chiu Chui-cheng (邱垂正) urged Cheng to firmly reject any framing that denies the existence of the Republic of China, to refuse to echo Beijing's narrative about eliminating the ROC, and to avoid conveying messages internationally that could harm Taiwan's interests.
This article profiles Cheng Li-wun — her political background, her positions on cross-strait relations, and the composition of the delegation accompanying her to China.
Who Is Cheng Li-wun?
Now 56 years old, Cheng won the KMT chairmanship in 2025 as a dark-horse candidate, defeating former Taipei mayor Hau Lung-bin (郝龍斌). She became only the second woman to lead the party — and, notably, the first KMT chair to have previously been a member of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP, 民進黨). The first female KMT chair was Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱).
- A Mainlander's Daughter Who Once Shouted for Taiwan Independence
Born in Yunlin and raised in Tainan, Cheng is a second-generation mainlander: her father was a KMT soldier from Yunnan province who came to Taiwan, while her mother was a native Taiwanese. During her years at National Taiwan University, Cheng became active in student movements and participated in the Wild Lily Movement (野百合學運) — a pivotal event in Taiwan's democratization.
In 1988, she gave a public speech at the May 20 Farmers' Movement, denouncing the KMT as "the most despicable rulers" and calling for the founding of an independent Taiwan. She subsequently joined the DPP and was elected in 1996 as a National Assembly delegate on a DPP ticket, later serving as deputy director of the party's Youth Development Department and as a government spokesperson.
- A Break With the DPP, Then a Move to the KMT
After 2000, Cheng grew increasingly critical of the DPP, partly over her disagreement with the party's stance on former President Lee Teng-hui's (李登輝) "two-states" formulation, and partly over what she described as a widening gap between her views and those of DPP leader Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁).
In 2002, she was suspended from the DPP after publicly commenting on allegations that Tu Hsing-che (涂醒哲), the then-director of the Department of Health, had sexually harassed someone by licking their ear; she subsequently left the party of her own accord.
In 2005, she accepted an invitation from KMT chair Lien Chan (連戰) to join the party, and was part of the delegation accompanying Lien on his historic visit to China that year. She later served as KMT spokesperson, chair of the party's Culture and Communications Committee, and twice as a proportional-representation legislator. She also served as a government spokesperson beginning in 2008.
In a recent interview, Cheng has said she joined the DPP naturally from her roots in street activism, but came to believe the party's Taiwan independence platform was a "deception." After completing a master's degree in international relations at Cambridge University, she returned to Taiwan and left the DPP. She has said she joined the KMT because she was inspired by Lien's determination to break the cross-strait impasse, and because she believes only the KMT can resolve the cross-strait question and deliver peace — a goal she has described as her life's work.
- A Combative Image — and Controversial Statements
Cheng has long been known for her sharp rhetorical style. Analysts note that her image as a fighter distinct from the traditional KMT establishment helped her defeat Hau in late 2025. Some observers have also pointed to her background — her father was a military political warfare officer, and she grew up in a military dependents' village — as factors behind her support among certain party factions with military ties.
The chairmanship election itself drew controversy, however. Hau and his ally, political commentator Jaw Shaw-kong (趙少康), alleged Chinese interference in the vote and implied that Cheng was a "fellow traveler" of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). In the interest of party unity, Hau nonetheless congratulated Cheng on her victory.
Cheng's Cross-Strait Positions and Disputed Statements
- Insists on the 1992 Consensus, opposes Taiwan independence
Before departing for China, Cheng has said the political foundation of the "1992 Consensus" (九二共識) and opposition to Taiwan independence "remains as relevant as ever" and constitutes "the cornerstone of cross-strait relations." She has argued that her visit is built on that foundation — "not one bit more, not one bit less" — and is intended to demonstrate to the people of Taiwan and the world that the two sides of the strait are not fated to go to war, and that peace is achievable through wisdom and effort.
- Taiwanese people are Chinese people
In a January interview withThe Economist, Cheng has said that Taiwan's people should accept that they are Chinese. She has frequently criticized the DPP's policies of "de-Sinicization," and in a speech at Soochow University last year declared: "I am Chinese. We write Chinese characters, speak Chinese, eat Chinese food, and worship Chinese gods. Why has the phrase 'Chinese people' been twisted into something ugly and hostile?"
- Open to reconciling with Xi, won't confirm if goal is "peaceful unification"
In the sameEconomist interview, Cheng has said her primary goal in meeting Xi is to secure a mutual, public commitment to maintaining peace. She declined to state whether her ultimate objective is "peaceful unification," saying only: "As for whether the status quo might change thereafter, I only hope it occurs under circumstances acceptable to people on both sides." When asked whether Xi can be trusted, she noted that China must honor its word.
- Slams DPP over murky US arms deals, budget opacity
On defense procurement, Cheng said in February that the DPP bears the greatest responsibility for delays in arms purchases, arguing that the ruling party has refused to share details of either tariff negotiations with the United States or arms procurement legislation with the legislature. She has said the KMT will take an active role in securing reasonable and necessary arms deals for Taiwan, with its own legislative proposals, and will proactively engage with Washington. In December last year, she also argued that Taiwan's national security "cannot be decided by price alone."
When asked whether she feared a cold reception in Washington — given U.S. congressional concern over the KMT's obstruction of defense appropriations — Cheng responded that the relationship should not be over-interpreted, saying Washington values Taiwan's strategic importance and that arms procurement budgets cannot represent the entirety of the Taiwan-U.S. relationship.
- Putin is not a dictator
In an interview with Deutsche Welle, Cheng has said Russian President Vladimir Putin "is not a dictator," describing him as a leader democratically elected by votes. The remark drew sharp criticism, with observers arguing it appeared to endorse authoritarian governance — particularly against the backdrop of the war in Ukraine — and contradicted the KMT's stated commitment to liberal democracy.
Who Is in Cheng's Delegation?
The KMT delegation accompanying Cheng to China comprises 13 members: Vice Chair and Secretary-General Li Chien-lung (李乾龍); Vice Chairs Chang Jung-kung (張榮恭) and Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑); National Policy Foundation Vice Chairman Lee Hong-yuan (李鴻源); Central Advisory Committee chair Su Chi (蘇起) and Jason Yuan (袁健生); Chair's Special Adviser Lee Te-wei (李德維); Culture and Communications Committee Chair Yin Nai-ching (尹乃菁); Mainland Affairs Department Director Chang Ya-ping (張雅屏); KMT Studio Youth Department Chair and Convener Lien Sheng-wu (連勝武); Spokesperson and New Taipei City Councilor Chiang I-chen (江怡臻); International Affairs Department Director Tung Chia-yu (董佳瑜); and Central Committee Party Affairs Adviser Lei Hong-yi (雷宏毅).
- Su Chi: The Inventor of the "1992 Consensus"
The inclusion of Su Chi (蘇起) — former National Security Council secretary-general under President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) — is regarded by analysts as the delegation's most symbolically significant appointment. In 2000, on the eve of Taiwan's first transfer of power between parties, Su, then chair of the MAC, coined the term "1992 Consensus," whose core principle is "one China, respective interpretations."
In 2005, when KMT chair Lien Chan met then-CCP General Secretary Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) in Beijing, both sides pledged to jointly promote the 1992 Consensus — marking the first time the very term '1992 Consensus' appeared in an official document of the People's Republic of China.
Under President Ma's administration from 2008, the 1992 Consensus was formally institutionalized, underpinning the signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) and the historic leaders' meeting — widely regarded as the framework's most significant achievements.
Following DPP President Tsai Ing-wen's (蔡英文) inauguration in 2016, however, Taipei acknowledged only the historical fact of the 1992 Hong Kong talks, while refusing to recognize the existence of a "1992 Consensus" as such.
The MAC noted in 2021 that under Beijing's definition, the "1992 Consensus" had been reduced to the content of the "one China principle" alone. Following Xi's articulation of the "one country, two systems Taiwan model," the MAC argued, the term had been redefined as a consensus on "one China" and pursuit of unification — effectively imposing both the "one China principle" and "one country, two systems" on Taiwan.
Why it matters: Su's inclusion in the delegation signals that the KMT seeks to revive the 1992 Consensus as a framework and to restore the active cooperation and exchange between the KMT and the CCP that it once underpinned.
- Yuan Chien-sheng: A Balancing Act Between Washington and Beijing
Yuan has cultivated deep ties with the United States throughout his career. In a notable episode, when Taiwan's representative to Washington was initially unable to hold National Day celebrations at Twin Oaks Estate, Yuan successfully petitioned then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, resulting in the first National Day ceremony at the historic venue in the centennial year of the Republic of China — a symbolically significant milestone in Taiwan-U.S. relations.
Why it matters: Alongside Su, Cheng's inclusion of Yuan — regarded within the KMT as a leading "pro-American" voice — signals an effort to balance between Washington and Beijing. Analysts note that Yuan's presence is intended to demonstrate equilibrium between the two great powers. Yuan is also expected to join a planned U.S. visit in June, serving as a credible interlocutor trusted by Washington who will also have witnessed the China trip firsthand.
- Chang Jung-kung: A Veteran of KMT-CCP Dialogue
Chang participated in Lien Chan's landmark 2005 visit to China as the KMT's Mainland Affairs Department director responsible for planning the itinerary, and also served as spokesperson for that trip. He has long been the KMT's primary channel for KMT-CCP dialogue. For the current visit, Chang served as the principal liaison with the Chinese side on logistical and substantive arrangements.
- Hsiao Hsu-tsen: A Frequent Visitor to China
Hsiao served as a senior writer and advisor in President Ma's office, as well as a government spokesperson. He accompanied former President Ma on both of his visits to China in 2023 and 2024, accumulating extensive experience in managing cross-strait itineraries and public communications. With established communication channels with the Chinese side and a track record of cross-strait visits, Hsiao is regarded as a key operational asset for Cheng's current trip.
