Taiwan's legislature has authorized the executive branch to sign Letters of Offer and Acceptance (LOA) for four U.S. arms procurement packages, even as the broader NT$1.25 trillion (approximately US$38.5 billion) special defense budget remains deeply contested among rival political parties.
The procedural authorization, initiated by the Taiwan People's Party (TPP) legislative caucus on March 6, grants the Executive Yuan authority to complete LOA signings with the United States before procurement deadlines expire — preventing a potential gap in the arms acquisition process.
The four packages covered by the authorization include TOW missiles, Javelin missiles, M109A7 self-propelled howitzers, and the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS). LOA deadlines for the first three fall on March 15; the HIMARS package expires March 26.
LOA Authorization Passes — But the Real Battle Lies Ahead
Legislators across party lines moved quickly on the LOA authorization, largely because failure to act risked forcing Taiwan to restart its procurement process from scratch. The urgency was broadly acknowledged, and cross-party negotiations on this procedural question concluded with little dispute.
Political observers note that parties treated the LOA authorization as a procedural matter distinct from the larger budget fight. Approving it allowed the Executive Yuan to keep arms timelines intact, while the core contest over the NT$1.25 trillion special defense appropriation remained unresolved.
A rotating convener system in the Foreign Affairs and National Defense Committee has become an unexpected variable in the budget timeline. For this legislative session, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) legislator Chen Guan-ting (陳冠廷) holds convener duties covering the Ministry of National Defense, the National Security Bureau, and the Veterans Affairs Council. Kuomintang (KMT) legislator Ma Wen-chun (馬文君) oversees the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Overseas Community Affairs Council, with bills, special reports, and inspections handled separately.
Ma Wen-chun Holds Back; Chen Guan-ting Races to Meet Deadline
Ma has scheduled facility inspections at the Songshan Command, a special Ministry of National Defense briefing, and business reports for the Foreign Ministry and Overseas Community Affairs Council before March 20. As a result, the special defense appropriation bill is effectively barred from the committee agenda until Ma's rotation concludes.
The bill is not expected to be taken up until Chen assumes convener duties. According to Chen's current schedule, the Foreign Affairs and National Defense Committee plans to hold three consecutive days of hearings on March 23, 25, and 26, beginning with full presentations from the Executive Yuan, including the Ministry of National Defense's account of procurement requirements, budget structure, and implementation timelines.
Given the scale of the proposed budget and the number of weapons systems involved, the questioning phase is expected to be extensive. Legislators are anticipated to press the administration on budget architecture, procurement specifics, and fiscal implications before the committee moves to article-by-article review.
Even if hearings proceed without major disruption, completing committee review by month's end remains contingent on the pace of cross-party negotiations. Should the committee finish in time, outstanding disputed articles would be referred to inter-caucus consultations before a floor vote.
TPP Is Not a Monolith — DPP Probes for Common Ground
The Taiwan People's Party (TPP) has emerged as a pivotal swing force in the budget debate. Its position has been described by observers as "relatively neutral" — neither firmly opposing the Executive Yuan's proposal nor fully endorsing it. That ambiguity allowed cross-party consensus on the LOA authorization to hold, but the more significant question is how TPP will position itself during the special budget review.
According to sources familiar with the negotiations, the DPP caucus has held multiple informal exchanges with the TPP caucus ahead of the committee hearings, seeking to maintain a degree of cooperation and avoid an immediate breakdown when the budget reaches the table.
In early contacts, the TPP caucus is said to have acknowledged the importance of defense investment while expressing reservations about the NT$1.25 trillion scale — particularly regarding the structure of budget allocations and the implementation timeline. TPP legislators indicated they saw room for further explanation from the administration.
KMT Legislators Not Uniformly Aligned With Party Headquarters — Central Leadership Deploys Oversight
In the informal exchanges, the TPP caucus is reported to have raised several concerns: whether the budget could be structured in annual tranches, whether individual weapons procurement items could be specified in greater detail, and whether the overall figure carries any room for downward revision. The DPP caucus responded that all of these questions could be addressed during committee review — a formulation that, analysts note, signals neither side has drawn firm red lines. The current dynamic appears oriented toward preserving negotiating flexibility rather than resolving substantive disagreements in advance.
The KMT's internal posture is considerably more complex. The party's central headquarters has put forward a counter-proposal of approximately NT$380 billion (roughly US$11.7 billion) plus additional unspecified items — a figure far below the administration's NT$1.25 trillion proposal. Within the Foreign Affairs and National Defense Committee, however, KMT legislators do not hold a uniform view. Some are reported to be open to the broad direction of the Executive Yuan's proposal but prefer to negotiate the total figure downward. Others maintain that the KMT central leadership's version should serve as the baseline for negotiations.
That internal divergence has prompted the KMT central leadership to take a more deliberate approach to committee composition. The party's personnel decisions for the Foreign Affairs and National Defense Committee this session have been interpreted by observers as a form of strategic positioning. In addition to existing members, the party leadership specifically arranged for KMT legislators Niu Hsu-ting (牛煦庭) and Huang Chien-pin (黃建賓) to join the committee, and separately requested that Ma Wen-chun continue as convener — moves widely read as a supervisory mandate from the party center.
Washington Signals Flexibility — A NT$900 Billion Compromise Under Consideration
With the LOA authorization secured, legislative attention now shifts fully to the special defense budget. The opposition's resistance to the NT$1.25 trillion scale remains the central obstacle, and — with the KMT central leadership maintaining close oversight of its legislators — even those within the party who might otherwise be more accommodating face institutional constraints on how far they can move.
Analysts tracking the negotiations identify several possible outcomes from the upcoming committee review: a reduction in the overall budget figure, a multi-year phased appropriation structure, or modifications to specific weapons procurement line items. The critical variable, however, is whether Washington will accept any of these alternatives.
According to sources familiar with U.S.-Taiwan consultations, Washington had initially taken a firm position — insisting on passage by March 24 at the full NT$1.25 trillion figure, with no reductions. That stance appears to have shifted. The United States is now reported to be considering extending its target passage date to the end of March and has signaled it may be open to a reduced figure in the range of NT$900 billion (approximately US$27.7 billion).
Whether that flexibility is sufficient remains uncertain. Even with TPP support, it is not clear that KMT legislators — operating under close monitoring from their party's central leadership — would follow Washington's preferred framework. If Chen's three scheduled committee days on March 23, 25, and 26 fail to complete the review, the remaining plenary session dates of March 24, 27, and 31 may prove insufficient for a floor vote. A bill stalled in committee would then face a mandatory one-month cooling-off period — potentially pushing the timeline beyond Washington's revised deadline. Further complicating matters, sources note that a further one-month delay could coincide with scheduling uncertainties around a potential Trump-Xi summit, adding an additional layer of geopolitical unpredictability. If the budget cannot clear the legislature by the end of March, its ultimate fate — and the downstream consequences for Taiwan's defense posture — remains an open question. （Related： Taiwan Secures New US Drones Amid Ongoing Defense Upgrades ｜ Latest ）
