The Kuomintang (KMT), Taiwan's main opposition party, has restarted a long dormant cross strait forum for dialogue with Beijing after a nine-year hiatus, signaling a strategic shift as Western democracies increasingly engage with China.
The forum, established in 2005 andattended by think tanks affiliated with both the KMT and Chinese Communist Party, originally facilitated communication between both sides until it was suspended in 2016 due to internal KMT debates over cross-strait policy. It has remained dormant for nearly a decade until the most recent session was held in Beijing on February 3.
"America is our benefactor, Mainland China is our family—we don't need to choose sides," KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wen (鄭麗文) declared after the conference.
In an exclusive interview with Storm Media on January 29, KMT Vice Chairman Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑) outlined several key observations about current cross-strait relations, along with revealing plans for a potential meeting between Cheng and Chinese President Xi Jinping in the first half of 2026.

US Avoids Confrontation with Beijing
Hsiao argued that Taiwan's complete severance of ties with Beijing underPresident Lai Ching-te's (賴清德) runs counter to the wave of past or planned diplomatic visits to China by Western leaders from France, Germany, Canada, the U.K., and Ireland.
Hsiao further claimed the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) continued label of China as a "hostile foreign force" under its national security strategy contradicts the softened rhetoric towards Beijingadopted by the current U.S. administration.

Hsiao warned that while Trump has already pivoted, Lai's continued confrontational policies towards Beijing "could drive Taiwan to theedge of the cliff."

The KMT seeks to emphasize dialogue over conflict and exchanges over military buildup, Hsiao argued, while historically not opposing necessary defense purchases.
KMT's New Framework
Hsiao explained that Cheng's declaration that "America is our benefactor, the mainland is our family—we don't need to choose sides" continues the "pro-America, peaceful mainland" approach adopted by former President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九).
America earned benefactor status through historical support, from post-WWII aid to security commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act and Six Assurances. However, cross-strait relations require careful maintenance given the historical context of the Chinese Civil War.
Since both sides' constitutions don't recognize separate statehood, shared history, culture, and constitutional frameworks argue against treating the mainland as an enemy.

1992 Consensus
Despite nine years of suspended exchanges and suggestions that the 1992 Consensus needs updating, Hsiao maintains it remains the only viable foundation for cross-strait dialogue, arguingthat it derives legitimacy from Taiwan's Constitution and addresses the practical concern of the disparity in power between Taiwan and Mainland China.
Taiwan originally proposed the idea during Hong Kong talks with CCP representatives under former President Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), establishing that both sides would verbally affirm adherence to "one China" while maintaining different interpretations of its meaning, with the term "1992 Consensus" being coined after 2000. The phrasing was meant to accommodate DPP concerns about explicit advocacy of "one China", but the DPP ultimately rejected the consensus anyway.
When Ma assumed power in 2008, he formally adopted the principle as the basis for renewed cross-strait exchanges. Beijing also recognizes this shared political foundation as essential for dialogue.

Hisao argues that the DPP's rejection of any talk of "one China", despite constitutional obligations, has led to the deterioration of cross-strait relations in recent years.
Cheng Restores Mainland "Mutual Trust"
Under Cheng, the KMT has reaffirmed both the 1992 Consensus and opposition to Taiwan's nominal independence as the foundation for its engagement with Mainland China, Hsiao noted.
Beijing responded positively to renewed dialogue during negotiations following Vice Chairman Chang Jung-kung's (張榮恭) initial visit to China in November 2025 and showed strong interest in discussing topics for cooperation proposed by Cheng,Hsiao stated. These include disaster prevention, renewable energy, climate change, carbon reduction, and tourism.

Beijing perceives Cheng's leadership as offering clear positions and the intent of engaging in meaningful dialogue, creating what Hsiao described as a return to the "Ma era feeling" characterized by mutual trust.
According to Hsiao, Trump's priorities are tariffs, protection payments, and Taiwan's semiconductor industry. Trump's nearly four-year term and lasting "Trumpism" influence on the Republican Party and broader American society mean Lai cannot simply pursue independent policies.
Hsiao stated that the current dynamic between the U.S. and China closely resembles the Ma era, when America preferred Taiwan to avoid becoming a "troublemaker."
Beijing Also Opposes Military Confrontation
Mainland China's consistent emphasis on "peaceful unification" during recent years reflects the CCP's prioritization of peace, Hisao argues.
Even if most Taiwanese reject unification, cross-strait dialogue serves both sides' interests by avoiding war and isolating Taiwan unnecessarily, he notes.
Through extensive discussions with the U.S., Hsiao has emphasized that Taiwan Strait peace serves all parties' interests, including America's—a point clearly understood in Trump's new defense strategy, which prioritizes attempting to avoid a conflict with China.

With the cross-strait platform reestablished and building momentum, Cheng continues to express hope for a high-level cross-party meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in the first half of 2026, before Taiwan's year-end local elections demand extensive island-wide campaigning that would limit opportunities to travel. (Related: Mainland-Born TPP Legislator’s Swearing-In Faces Uncertainty Over Nationality Law | Latest )
















































