Trump's second term is starting to look less like a government and more like an overstretched sequel to a reality show. Each morning seems to require a new enemy to prove he still sits at the center of power: allies who are not obedient enough, immigrants who are too visible, courts that are not loyal enough, media that are insufficiently grateful, international organizations that do not bow low enough—and even reality itself, which he treats as something to be rewritten.
This is not strongman politics. It is insecurity dressed up in presidential clothing. Once a national leader sees the world mainly through the lens of “whoever does not cooperate has a problem,” governing stops being the craft of solving problems and starts becoming a performance art of shifting anxiety onto others. (Related:From “Rules” to Reality: Elbridge Colby Presses Asia Allies on Power, Geography, and Paying Their Share|Latest)
Economic Growth, Household Pain
Trump repeats a familiar line: the economy is taking off. On paper, he has a story to tell. In the third quarter of 2025, U.S. GDP grew at an annualized rate of about 4.4%, driven by an AI investment boom that lifted capital spending, corporate profits, and stock markets to new highs.
But that story leaves out a more crucial—and more dangerous—truth. In the same quarter, labor compensation made up only about 53.8% of GDP, the lowest share since records began in 1947. The country is growing, but workers are taking home a smaller slice of that growth than any postwar generation.
Corporate profits, meanwhile, are at the opposite extreme. In 2024, U.S. corporate earnings topped $1.8 trillion dollars, with technology, finance, and dominant platform companies emerging as the biggest winners from high interest rates and AI expansion. This is not a quirk of the business cycle. It is a structural redistribution in which growth remains, but rewards systematically move away from labor and toward capital.
That is the core of today's polarized economy: headline prosperity alongside everyday hardship, GDP rising even as public confidence quietly collapses.
Voters Stop Buying the Story
Public opinion has turned faster than the White House expected. A New York Times national poll in January 2026 found that 49% of voters believe America is worse off than a year ago, while only 32% think it is better. Trump's overall approval sits at around 40%, with 56% disapproving. On the cost of living—rent, groceries, healthcare—64% of voters say they are dissatisfied with his performance, the worst rating among all policy issues.
Even more telling, Trump's once strongest issues—immigration and public safety—are now backfiring. In early 2025, roughly 55% of Americans supported his hard-line immigration stance. A year later, those numbers have flipped: about 55% now oppose it. The turning point came as Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) launched high-intensity, militarized raids in major cities, including the “two deaths in two weeks” tragedy in Minneapolis that sparked widespread outrage.
On January 30, 2026, residents of Minneapolis took to the streets to protest ICE's excessive use of force.
Recent surveys show 63% of voters now think ICE has “gone too far.” Among Latino voters, the share who say they feel “less safe as a result” jumped from 32% in the fall of 2025 to 58%. Even moderates who previously supported “deporting serious criminals” are asking a basic question: is this about protecting communities, or about manufacturing fear?
When Toughness Turns into a Liability
Trump's problem is no longer just about policy choices; it is about reflex and impulse. When voters worry about rent, healthcare, and education costs, he talks about Greenland. When farmers suffer from tariff retaliation and bankruptcies climb to multi‑year highs, he threatens Iran. When cities erupt over ICE enforcement tactics, he blames the media and local governments.
This is not strategic distraction. It is an ongoing refusal to govern. In 2025, about 300 U.S. farms filed for bankruptcy, nearly a 40% increase from the previous year. Farm groups dismissed Trump's promised $12‑billion‑dollar subsidy package as “not enough even to stop the bleeding.” At the same time, a pending Supreme Court ruling on the legality of his tariff authority leaves companies and local officials facing yet another layer of uncertainty.
Abroad, Trump's “transactional intimidation” is also hitting its limits. The Greenland episode became a symbolic turning point. When the European Union presented unusually united opposition and openly warned of retaliatory tariffs, Trump backed down in a matter of hours—not because he suddenly became cautious, but because markets, allies, and political reality all flashed warning signals at once.
At Davos, Canadian Prime Minister Carney put it bluntly: “Washington is no longer normal.” European leaders now privately describe the United States as a “former ally.” This is not just sharper language; it reflects a deeper erosion of trust.
The international system is learning a straightforward lesson: when you accommodate bullying, you do not avoid the next crisis—you invite it.
Minneapolis residents protest ICE enforcement overreach on January 30, 2026. (Associated Press)
Appeasement as a Chronic Disease of Civilization
The logic behind Trump's governance is not new. History shows that when power runs on emotion and feeds on enemies, institutions gradually hollow out. We see a familiar pathology: appeasement becomes a chronic disease of civilization, offering short‑term pain relief at the cost of long‑term damage, projecting surface stability while internal structures quietly decay.
America is not collapsing, but its social contract is fraying. The country is still growing, yet more and more citizens are being pushed outside the circle of that growth. Voters are not simply ungrateful. Their daily experience, reinforced by statistics, keeps telling them that the official narrative no longer matches reality.
The Show Will Not Cancel Itself
Trump is not the first politician to treat governing as performance. He is, however, the first president to drag much of the world onto a reality‑show set. The issue is no longer whether he can still mobilize loyal supporters. It is whether society is willing to keep paying the rising costs of this ongoing spectacle.
When governing degenerates into emotional management, when national policy becomes a series of anxiety‑relief stunts, when the world is reduced to “co‑operators” and “enemies,” the eventual explosion does not come from foreign conspiracies. It comes from the accumulated consequences at home.
This is not just one man's tragedy. It is the price a nation pays when it confuses reality television with reality—and lets entertainment logic rule the state.
The author is Dean of the College of Management at Shih Hsin University.
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